The challenge of Christian education in post-Communist countries

One of the more well-known problems with Communism was the hostility toward religion.  The Communist party wanted to create a "new man," whose loyalties were to the state.  Religion, obviously, was not compatible with this new ideology.  The Communist governments used a number of tactics to harm the Church and limit its influence.  Christian education, as a result, was targeted by the government and suffered greatly under Communism.  The government seized schools and turned many of them into state-run operations.  Religious instruction was only permitted to come from certain people, and only within the church itself.  Religious elective courses were often not available in the state schools and those who signed up for the instruction were often discriminated against later on, when applying for scholarships or admission into higher levels of education.

After the fall of Communism, religion and religious instruction was no longer illegal.  However, the church was in such a state of disrepair from years of neglect, lack of funding, and a loss of parishioners that it was not able to quickly regain the same place it had in pre-Communist Eastern Europe.

After the fall of the state, there was (and, in many cases, still is) a lot of confusion about property rights.  Schools that were seized during Communism were all of a sudden in a state of limbo.  Would they continue to be public, state-run schools?  Would they returned to their former owners?  No one was sure about what to do with these buildings.  A lack of funding has also been problematic.  With the decrease in church attendance during Communism, naturally, came a lack of church income.  In many congregations, attendance is still lower than the pre-Communism attendance and many churches still lack funding.  Religious schools, as a result, are not always adequately funded.

Even though religion and religious education is freely allowed, it is not a priority for many people, and there is still seems to be a struggle for government recognition.  While we were in Ukraine, we visited a girls' dormitory at one of the Reformed high schools.  The school needed a dormitory.  The government deemed an old, run down, community health center as a suitable building.  Community members and church organizations volunteered their labor and materials and slowly turned the health center into the dormitory.  The building is now a comfortable place for students to reside.  The government did not care about the building before, but now that it has been restored, they want it back.  This is a huge blow to the school, which cannot afford to build another building.  Even though it is now freely permitted to operate religious institutions, it is clearly not being encouraged by everyone, and many Christian schools will continue to struggle until they receive the help, financial or otherwise, they need.

A Tanú

The movie The Witness, or A Tanú in Hungarian, is a comedic film that deals with the issue of communism in Hungary, which lasted until the late 1980s. It was banned for about a 10 year span due to its criticism of the once all powerful communist regime in Hungary, but since has gained a wide popularity fan base. The film depicts the life of a simple dyke keeper and communist supporter, József Pelikán, and his family. It starts out with Pelikán, as he is referred to, slaughtering a pig illegally to provide food for his large, motherless family and quickly escalates to Pelikán being locked up for this act after an accidental encounter with an old friend and officer, Zoltán Dániel. He is then released by the order of a higher power in the communist regime, Comrade Virág, and given special tasks which were created to give special privileges to Pelikán to gain his trust and allegiance to Virág and the communist regime. He becomes the CEO of a swimming pool, an amusement park, and an orange-research facility, and he does something wrong during every job; therefore landing himself in prison after each job only to be bailed out and placed in a new job by Virág, to the point where it becomes comical.

Eventually the ridiculousness reaches its height as Pelikán is asked to be the star witness in a show trial against his friend and alleged spy Zoltán Dániel. Pelikán is presented with a testimony that he must memorize which deals with absurdities of frogmen and other magnificent lies. He is fed twisted lies and sayings by Virág as a means of confusing and distancing him against his old friend in order to intentionally cause him to side with the communist regime. He is put through rigorous training and is styled to fit the part of a star witness with new clothes and a haircut. Even his facial hair is styled to fit the part of a star witness. After the rigorous training, memorizing, and styling, Pelikán comes to his senses and tells the truth in the court as opposed to the lies he was coaxed into saying by Virág. After the trial, he is again imprisoned for treason against the communist regime and order to be hanged, but just before his hanging is to occur, the government changes, the communists are kicked out of power, and Pelikán is released. He goes back to being a simple dyke keeper, the job which he never wanted to leave, and even runs into Comrade Virág, who lost all his former importance with the fall of communism, in a comical situation that brings the movie full circle with its ridiculous quotes and comical situations.

Overall, I thought this was a great movie. While it was difficult at times to keep up with the subtitles and the actions on the screen because of being filmed in Hungarian, it was still very funny, even after being translated into English. Sometimes films lose some of their comedy in translation, but this film did not. It gave me a deeper sense of the ridiculousness that was Stalinist Communism and gave me a better perspective on the inner workings of promotions given to communist supporters and the trials put against anti-communist peoples. This film was very brave in its portrayal of communist Hungary, and I can see why it was banned for ten years, yet it is because of this bold interpretation that caused it great success after communism’s fall. I enjoyed the quotations between Comrade Virág and Pelikán very much, for example “The international situation is intensifying.” Quotes like this just emphasized the absurdity of the beliefs of the rulers in the communist government, which reflects the ludicrousness of the communist rule. I recommend seeing this film, if not for learning more about aspects of communism, at least for a good laugh.

Kristin Kurtz

The nature of Roma Camps

What makes a person Hungarian?

Hungarians, also known as Magyars, are the group of inhabitants who are established in Hungary. But, as we have learned, living in Hungary is not the sole restriction in terms of being considered a true Hungarian. The Treaty of Trianon in 1920 divided Hungary into its present state which left some true Hungarians in close knit pockets of the surrounding countries. There are also Hungarians living in other parts of the world such as the United States which about 1.4 million Hungarian people choose to call their home. So, if there are Hungarians living outside of Hungary, what makes for a true Hungarian?
The Hungarian Language is large part of a true Hungarian person because it provides a common origin to those living in Hungary, or living in those Hungarian pockets elsewhere in the world. It is a linguistic unification. Hungarians are proud of their roots and traditions and the older generation very much so adheres to them consistently. Rather than the government or the Hungarian national border determining who is Hungarian, it is the ethnicity and cultural heritage which brings them back to the roots of who they truly are. Several traditions which are important to Hungarian history and culture are music, folkdance, ceramics, rich foods and of course, as we have learned on our excursions, an abundance of alcohol, especially palinka.
Every time that we go on our adventures with Janos and Robbie, I am always amazed by the communities of Hungarian people that we interact with and who are so close knit and so closely related to the people that we are coexisting with in Budapest. One main thing that stuck out to me when we were travelling through Ukraine was when we stopped at the secondary school in one of the Hungarian towns where we also went to the markets and hung out in the city center. Robbie was telling me that in the town if you look closely and pay attention to the clocks you can notice a small difference. The time on all the clocks was one hour behind the actual time in Ukraine because the town was made up of all Hungarians and therefore they followed Hungarian time because everything that they cared about such as their family back in Hungary, television shows, etc. were regulated by Hungarian time. And again the palinka form the gypsy minister confirmed the fact that true Hungarians enjoy some palinka, even if it tastes like rubbing alcohol.


Jordan Weaver

All Saints' Day

While we were in the Ukraine, we had the opportunity to observe the elaborate decorating of the graves of loved ones which occurs on the first day of November. All Saints’ Day is a very important holiday for Hungarians, especially Roman Catholics, on which they remember the saints of the Church as well as relatives who have passed away. People selling bright yellow mums and other flowers filled Beregszasz’s central square and surrounded the entrances of the cemeteries. Along with flowers, lanterns, usually red, holding votive candles are used, giving the cemeteries a beautiful glow at night. The multitude of flickering candles illuminating the graves evoked the image of a distant city at night.

It is said that November 1 was chosen to be All Saints’ Day in order to supplant the pagan day of the dead, called Samhain. Members of the Druid religion believed that Samhain, celebrated between the seasons of summer and winter, was a point in time when the worlds between life and death were at the closest proximity to one another and so they would recognize the deceased. All Saints’ Day has retained the decorating of the graves practiced on Samhain. While the Hungarians were typically not members of the Druid religion, as Catholics they began to celebrate All Saints' Day and to adopt the practices of other European Catholics.

Today, people travel long distances to place flowers and candles on the graves of loved ones to help their souls find their way. Special masses are held in remembrance of Christian martyrs and saints as well as the souls of other departed. While the holiday is Catholic, many Portestants also use the day to decorate the graves of loved ones.

Stephanie

Worship in Romani Churches

Throughout their wandering history, the Roma have adapted to their surroundings, created new comforts and worlds of their own in unfamiliar places. The Roma are a people with an incredibly unique cultural history and place in society today. They are a people on the fringes of society. Historically, the Roma have faced two extremes from the hands of their home governments; utter neglect or forced assimilation. Today, most Roma live as squatters. Small Romani ghettos speckle the Eastern European landscape and are filled with dilapidated shacks, bare-footed children and an incredible lack of resources. While most Roma receive some sort of social security from the home governments, the people as a whole are continually neglected and left to face their own harsh realities.

And yet, even with their seemingly autonomous status in the many nations they call “home”, the Roma are open to a variety of religions. As a migrant, wandering people, the Roma have typically adopted the dominant faith tradition of their host country. While the Roma in Eastern Europe are most commonly Catholic, Orthodox Christian or Muslim, they have continued to maintain specific aspects of their own indigenous faith practices and preserve their own particular worship flavor.

In the Ukraine in particular, the Roma villages we were able to visit have welcomed and adopted the Reformed Christian tradition. These communities are full of welcoming individuals and families, smiling children and vibrant worship services. While most Hungarian Reformed church services in the area involve traditional hymns, doctrinal prayer and long messages from the pulpit, the Roma give a Reformed worship service their own twist. Typical Hungarian Reformed services emphasize reflection and quiet observance over long interludes of rambunctious worship—singing is kept to a relative minimum in terms of its place in the service. The Roma on the other hand revel in music and emotion. Their worship services are filled to the brim with energetic praise and singing. Roma women raise their voices in high-pitched song while musicians strum guitars swiftly. Worship is a joyful time. It is not only a time for reflection, prayer and Biblical teachings but a time for dancing, clapping and celebration.

Alison Winters

“The Witness” by Peter Bacsó

During our trip to the Ukraine, we were given the opportunity to view a Hungarian film, “The Witness” by Peter Bacsó, set during the Stalinist period of communism lasting from 1949 until 1956. At the end of World War II, the country faced enormous war damages creating a poor economy and extreme inflation of currency. By 1949, Stalinist communism in Hungary under Mátyás Rákosí came to power. The film was created in 1969 but was not released until 1981. By 1979, Hungary’s new economic reforms and increased liberalism made the release of this film a possibility. Even after its release in 1981, the film could only be seen at one theatre in Budapest originally.

“The Witness” tells the story of József Pelikán who is a dike keeper and member of the communist party. This film has many satirical elements in it. Initially, Pelikán goes to jail for slaughtering his pig. He immediately is bailed out of jail and brought mysteriously to the home of fellow communist, Comrade Virág. Pelikán returns to jail a few times over the course of the film for various absurd reasons. On behalf of the communist party, Virág continuously bails Pelikán out telling him that one day, the communists will ask something of him. Eventually, Pelikán is asked to testify against his friend Zoltán Dániel in a show trial. In show trials, many lesser communists were forced to memorize scripts of trials in which they would testify. The judgment was made before the trial. This was a component of the purges that occurred during the Stalinist period. In fact, one of every four communist party members suffered some form of persecution from 1948 to 1953. More communists died at hands of the communist governments of Eastern Europe than under their inter-war predecessors.

Pelikán was said to have free will but was, in reality, pressured into testifying against his friend Dániel to keep Virág from committing suicide. Over the course of the film, Pelikán becomes consumed with following Virág’s orders and forgets about his former duties. One scene shows Pelikán sitting in a tree practicing his lines for the trial as the water from his dike-keeping duties has flooded his home and surrounding areas. When the trial finally begins, Pelikán decides to take a stand for Dániel and defies Virág. Because of this, he is accused of being an informer and is sentenced to death. In the end, everyone is set free, but many were not so fortunate in reality. The film demonstrated communists’ paranoia and incompetence as they accused many of being traitors and consequently charged those people with ridiculous accusations. I enjoyed being able to see and better understand through this film how Stalinist communism might have been for a party member.

Claire McWilliams

The Nature of Roma Camps

After the collapse of Communism, Roma poverty has worsened in Central and Eastern Europe, and many of these marginalized people live in profoundly destitute ghettos.

While in Ukraine, we walked through one such Roma camp, worshipped in a Reformed Roma church, and met many Roma children.  After singing with the Roma people in their small, white church, they led us through their camp and into their homes. It was like being in another universe. 

The sour smell of burning garbage permeated the village and bare bummed children walked barefoot in the dirt. Young mothers openly nursed their infants outside their sagging homes as dogs wandered the muddy streets. Recently, a number of wells were installed to provide cleaner, more available water. However, the people often leave the spouts on and the dirt roads turn into a wet, mucky mess around the shack homes.

Almost the entirety of the village is unemployed, scrounging for metal or begging to earn some money for food. The children trailed behind us as we walked past sinking roofs and piles of trash, loving the new strange people in their place. Eventually each of us had at least one small child hanging from a limb or article of clothing.  

The poverty was jolting, but the children were happy, wondering, energetic, normal crazy kids.  Just as they play and laugh like other children, they have the right to shelter, medical care, education, all the human rights that will provide dignity and hope.  There is much work to be done for these people in Central and Eastern European countries, including Ukraine. 

Jenna Sue Vanden Brink

History of Religion Tolerance (Turda Diet)

From its foundation, Transylvania has been an eclectic mix of ethnicities and religions. Throughout its history, it has belonged to a variety of empires and states, including the Dacia, the Romans, the Huns, the Byzantine Empire, the Bulgarians, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Romanians. Different ethnic and religious groups have vied for prominence in Transylvania during these ages. After a sixteenth century marked by conflict between the Muslim Ottoman Empire and the Catholic Hapsburg Empire, Transylvania became a semi-independent principality. Once Transylvania was relieved of the pressure of the Catholic Hapsburgs, other religions had the freedom to flourish. In 1568, the Edict of Turda guaranteed freedom of religious expression—the first legal guarantee of religious freedom in Christian Europe—for Lutherans, Calvinists, Unitarians, and Catholics.


Following the Edict of Turda in the 16th century, the Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent overtook central Hungary. For the next two centuries, Austria and Turkish forces vied for supremacy in a now semi-independent Transylvania. Because Transylvania now existed outside of Catholic religious authority, Calvinist and Lutheran teachings flourished in the region. On the other hand, Orthodoxy, the Romanian religious tradition, was “tolerated” or banned altogether.
Historically, Transylvania exists as a region of continual change. With various powers and governments in constant conflict over power and authority in this region, the amount of religious tolerance is actually quite surprising. In stark contrast to tolerance, religious practices were harshly monitored and controlled under the all-encompassing communist regime from WWII to the Romanian revolution of 1989. Religious structures and educational institutions were controlled by the government, just as every facet of life under communist rule.

Leah, Alison, Rachelle, Sam

The Legacy of Communism: The Breakdown of Religious Life

Prior to the 20th century Soviet rule in Transylvania the church as an institution fulfilled many roles. Not only was the church responsible for many public service establishments such as schools, orphanages and hospitals, it more specifically provided an identity for the Transylvanian people, a community to relate to and associate with. Many villages in Transylvania were even built around a church, placing the church literally in the center of peoples’ lives. When the Soviets came to power after WWII, the church was one of the first bodies to be reformed. Because different denominations divided people, the communists saw this take over as a method of standardization. The Transylvanian people looked more to the state for the basis of their identity. A large percentage of church property was taken over by the state.
Under Communist rule industrialization increased which forced many Transylvanians to migrate to urban areas. This increased movement to cities resulted in reduced populations in small towns and villages. Church congregations suffered significant losses because so many parishioners were leaving. Many church buildings in Transylvania today remain deserted, a repercussion of the Soviets’ industry-focused economic plan.
In the United States, if a congregation dissipates, the church leaders might sell the building and move to a more populated area. In Transylvania, this is unacceptable. There is a social expectation that a church will remain in its historic space, even if nearly all of its members no longer live nearby. The thought of a pastor abandoning the building of a church and moving to more urban areas to form a new church would never be admissible. Also, the church building itself is regarded with more reverence and holds more significance to the people in Transylvania than is customary observed in the United States. This also contributes to the vast number of empty churches in Transylvania.
Despite the end of communist rule twenty years ago, the church’s position in society remains unstable. The state is still redistributing properties of the church that were taken over during Soviet rule. The view of denomination as an identifier has been nearly eliminated. People today are going to church but no longer feel the obligation to remain loyal to the denomination they were raised in.

(Catherine Van Halsma, Kristin Kurtz and Liz Yeager)

The Legacy of Communism: The Breakdown of Rural Life

Marxist theology holds that urban areas are economically, socially, and culturally superior; forty years of communist rule in Romania marked fundamental economic, social, and cultural shifts reflective of this overarching ideology.
One of the greatest shifts occurred through the breakdown of rural life. The communist regime focused its interest on industrialization, especially during the Ceausescu era (1965-1989), and agricultural production was largely underfunded. But even farms were organized to profit the communist economic machine as the state forced collectivization of farms throughout Romania; by the 1980s, eighty percent of Romania’s farms were owned by the state and organized as collectives. Collective farmers received wages, a portion of the profit, and some farm products, but were no longer landowners. This program of forced collectivization was intended the boost agricultural production, but in reality, it led to sweeping drought and famine and a dwindling, disenchanted rural labor population.
As conditions worsened in rural areas, the disparity between rural and urban life widened into a gaping chasm; parents urged their children to seek educational and vocational opportunities in the cities, and many young adults joined the great tide of people flooding into city centers. The rural population shriveled quickly during this rural-urban migration, and rural populations were soon comprised of mainly women, children, and the elderly. (This was evident to our group as we bumped along through the Romanian villages; we saw mostly women and elderly people.)
With the flood of people headed for the city, the government started looking for a way to ease this great strain on cities; the regime was also looking for further opportunities to extend the machine of industrialization into rural areas in Romania. Through a program of systematization, Nicolae Ceausescu tried to stem the overwhelming tide of people migrating to the cities and to aid the machine of communist industrialization in Romania. Ceausescu poured money and resources into 550 Romanian villages, carefully selected for their industrial potential; these villages underwent a large-scale upheaval that transformed housing and education and implemented new industries to fuel the communist regime. Efforts for modernization and industrialization were concentrated in these areas while over 3,000 other villages were labeled “nonviable” and were gradually phased out or forcibly dissolved to make way for industrialization.
Great changes in village life threatened rural communities, and those who moved to the cities were completely estranged from their roots, cut off from any home or church community that formerly defined their identity. In order to remove nongovernmental spheres of influence and to extend social and ideological control over the Romanian people, the communist regime took public education out of the religious sphere and also demolished many churches. The destruction of so many churches and villages severed many people’s cultural and historical bonds and threatened the solidarity of their communities.
(Leah, Bethany, Rachelle)

Region and History of Settlement since 900

The history of Transylvania, like so many other Eastern European regions, is full of constant invasion and transformation. In 900 AD Magyar (Hungarian) tribes invaded Transylvania which was inhabited by a mix of Slavs and Romanians. During this time medieval Transylvania was ruled by a system of regional military commanders that acted for the King of Hungary. In 1200 AD the Magyars invited Germanic peoples (now known as Saxons) to Transylvania to establish trading cities. In 1241 Transylvania was devastated in the Mongol invasion of Europe and a large portion of the population perished. In the centuries following this time the Magyar nobility and the Saxons dominated the feudal system as peasant Magyars and Romanians continued to be suppressed. In 1541 the Ottomans defeated Hungary and left Transylvania as the only remaining area of Magyar control, until the Austrian Hapsburg's Empire regained Hungary and Transylvania in 1691. In 1867, under the dual monarchy of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Transylvania became part of Hungary for the first time. As Magyar settlements and peoples continued to inhabit the region, many Romanians moved to Moldavia to escape the hardships of being a peasant serf.

After WWI, the Treaty of Versailles gave Transylvania back to the Romanians defining a new border between Hungary and Romania. In 1940 the northern half of Transylvania was again given back to Hungary till the end of WWII when it was again returned to Romania. Most of the Saxons living in Transylvania returned to Germany after WWII and the fall of communism, making Hungarians the largest minority group. In some regions the Hungarians outnumber the Romanians creating tension over autonomy.

(Lydia, Paul and Liz)

Issues in Maintaining Spiritual Life of Rural Communities: Nationalism and Religion

Congregations throughout Transylvania remain largely divided along nationalistic lines. Each denomination seems to have separate national identity church tied to their parishes, no matter how small the number of members. Orthodox congregations, being most strongly tied to the state, tend to be mainly Romanian while Reformed churches are made up of nearly all Hungarian members. For the most part, these nationalist splits remain the rule rather than the exception and make the maintenance of strong spiritual lives among rural people difficult.

Barriers such as aging and shrinking congregations already threaten the life of the churches throughout Transylvania, and church leadership and members' strong apprehension to commingle nationalities continues to weaken churches’ power and its ability to reach out to non-members. With some exception, churches are largely unwelcoming to those outside the ethnicity or nationality to which they are tied. One example in particular is the lack of effort to outreach to Roma/Gypsy communities. In fact, many parishioners in established congregations express varying levels of hostility when Gypsies do attempt to explore their faith and attend services. Due to the traditionalist mindset of the rural churches based largely on nationality/ethnicity and tied to cultural heritage, churches in Transylvania remain small and exclusive in membership, and yet the pastors express in eagerness to expand.

Some churches have made strides however to welcome or at least interact with people of minority nationalities. The Catholic Church, while still predominately Romanian, has made attempts to partner in some respects with the Armenian Church in Transylvania. Also, the Orthodox Church has begun “evangelizing” in some rural communities – building churches in places without significant Romanian Orthodox populations in an attempt to win converts. Such steps could lead to the more converts for all denominations and promote warmer connotations toward religious life in general in rural areas.

The Romanian government in some ways has helped churches in revitalizing the spiritual lives of Transylvanians and in other ways has harmed their ability to do so. Many rural churches receive funding from the state for various purposes, one of which is to create or maintain schools. The churches’ ability to oversee education does assist the churches in sharing its principles with the youth. Yet, the specific allocation of funds continues to drive a wedge between the denominations. The requisite number of ethnic Romanian children necessary to garner state money and create a church run school teaching solely in the Romanian language and about Romanian customs is rather low. Much higher numbers of Hungarian students are needed for schools run by Reformed churches in rural areas to receive government assistance. Thus, there are very few Hungarian schools in rural Transylvania. This preference only widens the chasm between predominately Romanian, Hungarian, and other minority denominations. The preservation of minority rights and thus religious life in is incompatible with the Romanian nationalism touted by the state for decades.

(Sarah, Jordan, Paul)

Differences in Church Building Styles

A few, sometimes obvious and sometimes minor, differences exist among the building styles of Reformed, Roman Catholic, and Orthodox churches in Transylvania. Each denomination has a distinct fixture atop the bell towers or steeples to signify the faith practiced there. Orthodox churches don arched crosses, Roman Catholic churches utilize plain crosses, and Reformed churches sport stars. Another more readily apparent stylistic variance occurs between Western Christian and Eastern Orthodox church buildings. The architecture and facades of Orthodox churches are often times more ornate. Of the Orthodox churches we visited and drove past, many exteriors were painted or tiled with images of holy figures. Also, in particular, architectural design of the largest Orthodox church we encountered differed significantly from the more typical style, discussed below, being equipped with several domes and having a more unique layout. It should be noted however that in general churches of all denominations located in cities tend to be larger and more decorative in designs both outside and within.

Catholic

Reformed

Exterior Decorations of Orthodox churches


Domes of Orthodox church

Despite these differences many noticeable commonalities are shared among many churches throughout Transylvania. To begin, many churches were built as in a rectangular fashion with a triangular roof and a bell tower jutting forth. Bell towers, whether in operation or not, seem to be universal among the various denominations. Also, several of the churches we visited were fortified in one way or another - some with massive stone walls and others with simple fences and gates. At one time, many of these barriers served important security purposes and, while no longer necessary, still exist today. Lastly, the Gothic style is popular among churches in Transylvania, especially those on the grander scale. Key features of which are ribbed vaults, an emphasis on verticality and light, and pointed arches. The preference toward vertical structures is shown in the fact that many churches appear to be much taller than they are wide, thanks to bell towers. Furthermore, churches’ windows are typically large in scale yet narrow in width.

Fortification

Inside Bell Tower

Gothic Style

By Debbie, Brianna, and Sarah

Church Seating Patterns and Confirmation Class Decorations

Hungarian churches of Transylvania have very characteristic seating patterns that reflect not only their religious but also their cultural traditions. The seating arrangement is centered around the pulpit, emphasizing theology and teaching over iconography. Typically men and women sit in separate sections facing one another while the elders hold a more prominent position in pews either in front or behind the pulpit. Until parents decide they are ready to join the rest of the congregation, children sit in the balcony of these giant churches.

Consistent with the Reformed tradition, Hungarian Romanian churches keep decorations simple yet meaningful. Members of the church donate handmade embroideries to commemorate both individual and communal spiritually significant events. These embroideries are painstakingly made and part of the proud cultural heritage of these churches. The colors and designs reflect the communities in which they were made. Confirmations of faith are the most common reasons for these gifts to the church.

(Elizabeth W, Stephanie, Alison)

Village/ Agricultural Life

Village Life
While we were travelling through Romania we passed through many small villages. From our guide we learned that many of them were centralized around a church, which also provided the education for the people of the village. Many of the villages we drove through seemed as if they had a strong sense of community because of the people wandering around the streets giving a friendly wave. While people were also outside engaging in friendly conversation, they would also tend their gardens and guide their animals through the streets.

Agricultural Life
For the majority of our drive we were out of the villages which allowed us to appreciate the beauty that Romanian countryside has to offer. Among the distinct rows of crops which created a beautiful array across the hills we saw many flocks of sheep, scattered cows, and a few random goats, but we never saw any pigs which was ironic because pork is everywhere when you go somewhere to eat. We learned that the distinct crop lines were due to property lines. The farmlands were usually passed down through inheritance, but many people had small families due to past economic condition which arose from communism. This accounted for the small land portions that belonged to each family.

(Catherine, Jordan, Kristin, Leah)

Issues in Maintaining Spiritual Life in Rural Communities: Aging Population/Generational Change

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Because of the legacy of communism and upon Romania’s entrance into the EU, elderly people comprise the majority in rural Romanian communities.

Tens of thousands of youngsters leave their homes in rural Romania in search of better opportunities in bigger Western cities, mostly England and the United States. Although this problem is intensifying, it is not a new phenomenon. Many of these young people leave for temporary summer trips and choose to never return, an illegal choice they are frequently willing to make.

During the Communist era, in an attempt to industrialize Romania, people were forced from their rural habitats into city factories.  After the fall of Communism, people did not return to these rural communities because they had lost their agricultural roots and the knowledge of farming.

High unemployment abounds in these rural villages.  Much of the land is worked by large corporations or by the state making it nearly impossible for small-scale farmers to farm for profit.  Historically, Romanian farmers could support themselves financially, and now their small gardens only exist to feed their families.

Empty villages also mean empty pews.  Beautiful church buildings, once home to thriving congregations, now stand stark and empty.  While these buildings continue to be nationally and culturally meaningful for the communities, they have become something of a burden for the small, dying congregations.  Yet, the emotional connection to such buildings outweighs any rational reasons to sell or destroy because of fallen numbers. Thus, magnificent church structures stand cold and empty, symbols of pervasive and damaging legacy of Communism.

Jenna, Alison, Stephanie, Debbie

The Seminary at Kolozsvár/Cluj

The Protestant Theological Institute in Kolozsvár/Cluj was officially founded in 1948 after the Reformed Theological Seminary merged with the Unitarian Theological Seminary. However, the current Seminary has roots going back as far as 1895 when the Theological Faculty of the Evangelically Reformed Church was added to the local university in Kolozsvár/Cluj. The building acts both as an academic facility and as a residence hall for both the students and the faculty. It is interesting to note that the Seminary receives no funds from the State but is entirely supported by donations from various churches.

Currently, there are some 200 students taught by a faculty of 24 professors not all of whom are theologians. The seminary serves to prepare the students for pastorships throughout Transylvania amongst the four Protestant denominations – the Reformed, the Unitarian, the Hungarian Evangelical-Lutheran, and the Saxon Evangelical-Lutheran. Women were recently allowed to attend the Seminary; however, despite this progressive move, it is generally understood that these women will eventually be the wives of pastors, not pastors themselves.

(Paul Menn, Bethany Woelk, Liz Yeager)

Hungarian Unitarians

Hungarian Unitarians uphold belief in the oneness of God and in Christ’s human nature. Reason, rational thought, science and philosophy coexist with God. Human nature is capable of both good and evil, being neither corrupt nor depraved. The words of the Bible were inspired by God, but written by humans and are therefore subject to error.

The church was founded in 1568 and is one of 18 religious confessions recognized by the Romanian state. Today, out of the total Romanian population, 0.3% follows this tradition, most of which are Hungarian. 

The Unitarian church began in Hungary, but after the Treaty of Versailles was transferred to Romania. Unitarianism grew out of the Reformation and took root in Hungary (modern-day Transylvania) because of the unusual religious tolerance of John Sigismound, the only Unitarian king. During this time, the Unitarian church had notable successes and 425 parishes.

On January 20, 1565, Ferenc David gave the first Unitarian sermon before being sentenced to life in prison for his teachings about Christ’s human nature. After his death, the Unitarian church began to decline.  Also during the 16^th century, Protestants and Roman Catholics considered Unitarians in Transylvania heretics.

Jenna, Jordan, and Kristin.

The Legacy of Communism: The Breakdown of Religious Life

Differences in Village Architecture

Driving through Transylvania, we noticed many differences in village architecture. Three main types related to different ethnic communities include those of the Saxons, Gypsies, and Hungarians. The Saxons’ houses appeared to be all connected by a wall running parallel to the streets. Each home had a memorable large, wooden gate characteristic of only Saxon communities.
The Gypsy regions we drove through were quite unique and surprising. Some were brick mansions with tin roofs (a product of their trade), while the Gypsy slums were small, close together, and muddy. Many Gypsies are living in unfinished mansions from running out of money after starting huge projects.

The Hungarian houses stood out with their red-tiled roofs. Many homes demonstrate their Hungarian nationalism through their red roofs, white stucco, and green gates. Despite the Romanian government’s refusal to sell green paint, they managed to make their own with the Romanian flag’s colors of blue and yellow.

We noticed many similar characteristics between the architectural styles present in Transylvania. Aside from the Gypsies’ brick mansions, all houses seemed to be made of stucco. Also, houses were colorfully painted and tiled. Houses were close to the road and to each other. We found it interesting to witness the diversity in this unique architecture as we plummeted through the countryside.

Submitted by: Cailin, Lydia, Claire

Religious Groups: Romanian Orthodox

The majority of Romanians identify themselves as Romanian Orthodox, making up nearly 85% of the country’s population. However, many are nominal members and do not actively engage in church life with only 40% attending service regularly. While Romanian and all of Eastern Orthodoxy are loosely related to Western Christianity, they vary in many important aspects. In Romanian Orthodoxy, doctrine and Scripture is of great importance as is the case for all Christians. However, the church emphasizes one’s personal experience of truth as opposed to particular definitions of theological terminology. Romanian Orthodoxy further emphasizes the divine relationship between God and humans, and humans are seen in a more positive light than in Western Christianity, as the image of God is more readily emphasized. Sin results not from human action but instead results from the separation of God and humans. To reach salvation, the process of deification, or fully joining with God in the divine life, must take place. Romanian Orthodoxy also tends to focus more on Christ’s divinity within the Trinity rather than his humanity. A divergence that may seem minor takes place in how Western Christianity and Eastern Orthodoxy view the Holy Spirit. Eastern Orthodoxy proclaims that both the Son and Holy Spirit stem from the Father whereas Western Christianity states the origin of the Holy Spirit from both the Father and Son.

The Romanian Orthodox Church’s evolution over the last hundred years has strongly been tied to state influence and thus the various parties in power. When Communists first came into power in 1947, the Orthodox Church, like others, was weakened by the party and mass purges of clergy were initiated. The Romanian Orthodox Church’s cooperation and support of Communism was bought off by the government reallocating Catholic assets to them and lending financial support in terms of salaries and subsidies for publications. The Orthodox Church’s situation further improved in the early 1960s when government officials attempted to link state communism to nationalism. Already having strong nationalistic influence, the Church was a key player in establishing the desired ties and recovered much of its lost power. Since the fall of Communism in 1989, the Orthodox Church is no longer under state control, but still receives substantial funding.

Submitted by: Bethany, Claire, Sarah

Differences in church interiors

The above pictures show interiors of Hungarian Reformed Churches in Romania. Hand embroidered tapestries primarily red show the congregation’s regional pride. The tapestries were made by women of the congregation, some in honor of confirmation classes. Unseen in the photo, the tapestries cover some older traditional wood work. On top of the elevated pulpit is a pelican, a symbol of the Reformed Church. The crown on the pulpit serves for acoustic purposes and also symbolizes Christ’s sovereignty.


The picture above shows nave and ceiling of the traditional Romanian Orthodox church. Intricate mosaics cover the walls telling biblical stories to instruct and inspire the worshipers. With ornate chandeliers and saintly images of the apostles, this space clearly differentiates from the Reformed churches of Transylvania.


The altarpiece above is found in the ex-Catholic church in the German ( Saxon) region of Transylvania.


The stark white space is home to a dying Reformed congregation, only nine members including the pastor. The building still contains national and cultural significance for the people of the region thus it remains open, but in worsening disrepair.

(Sam, Rachelle, Jenna)

Saxon Presence in Transylvania

The German Lutherans (Saxons) first began arriving in Transylvania in the mid-12th Century. They began settling in Transylvania for two primary reasons: to help defend Hungary’s border and to help develop the Transylvanian region’s economy. Due to their background in defense, Saxons lived and remained for many years in fortified towns, known as the Siebenburgen (seven castles). Saxons enjoyed the status of a privileged class as well as political rights up until the late-18th Century. Although they remained a rich and influential group, the Saxons were no longer a dominant class. Beginning in 1848 through the end of the First World War, however, the Saxons gradually lost all political power as well as land and other possessions.

In 1944, Romania signed a peace treaty with the Soviet Union, ending their previous ties to Nazi Germany. German Saxons were not forced to leave, but the German government began withdrawing some Saxons and many Saxons fled before the Soviet Union took control of the area. Many Saxons were arrested for allegedly conspiring with Germany and were sent to labor camps in Siberia. After World War II, many remaining Saxons lost some political rights and were persecuted by the Communist government. Because of the high number of Saxons who emigrated from Transylvania, their population in Romania is decreasing. In 2002, there were 60,088 German-speaking Romanians, compared to 745,421 in 1930.

Submitted by: Breanna, Debbie, Catherine

The Legacy of Communism: The Breakdown of Ethnic Communities

When the Communists came to power in Romania, they brought with them many new regulations and policies. One ethnic group that was greatly affected by the new regime was the Roma. The Romanian government did its best to try and force the Roma to settle down. In an ideal communist society, the Roma would relocate to the major cities and live a "decent" communist way of life. The concept of a permanent residence was not something that this group was used to, or very willing to adapt to. Despite this tension between the Roma and the government, the people did benefit from the regime’s policies. These people were now entitled to housing, health care, and jobs that were not available to them pre-Communism.
Yet another ethnic group greatly affected by the regime were the Saxons, or ethnic Germans living in Romania. This group of people had been residing in Romania for over 800 years and were legally Romanian citizens. Yet, when the Soviets came to power, they quickly began to deport these people in order to gain both their money and their land. Even though the King protested this forced removal, his pleas were overruled by the powerful regime despite that these deportations were breaking the international law. It is estimated that about 70,000 ethnic Germans were brought to Donbas coalmines on cattle cars and forced to work under strict observation. About one in every five of these people died at the camp due to disease and malnutrition. Those surviving prisoners remained at these camps for over ten years.
Throughout this time period, there were a large number of Hungarian communities already established in Transylvania. The communist regime considered this group to be “dangers to Romania’s territorial integrity,” so they must be eliminated or repressed. The government closed the Hungarian university in Cluj, and worked on eliminating Hungarian education completely. In order to repress the population even more, Gheorghiu-Dej proceeded to place these people in jail and even executed some. Although the exact numbers were never officially made public, it is estimated that 20 Hungarians were executed and some 40,000 jailed. Dej also arrested leaders of the Hungarian People’s Alliance to extinguish the people’s thoughts of possible rebellion.
In the aftermath of the Communist era, these ethnic communities continued the fight to regain their cultural heritage that they lost to the regime. Today the Roma still struggle to find their place in the new society, and are still somewhat discriminated against by other communities. The Roma traditions are not conducive to maintaining stable employment, so many of these people are without jobs. The majority of the remaining Saxons never returned to Romania, but many of their previous establishments are still standing. In contrast to the Communist policies, today the Hungarians are able to run Hungarian schools in their communities. Despite the repression by the Communists, these ethnic groups are making progress to reestablish their unique contributions to society.

Submitted by: Cailin, Elizabeth W., and Breanna

Religious Groups: Hungarian Reformed

            When Transylvania was still a part of Hungary, it had stronger ties to the West, thus it was Roman Catholic prior to the Reformation in contrast to the predominantly Orthodox Romanian population. After the Reformation, in the 16^th century, the Hungarian speaking Reformed church was established in Romania.   Following theological disputes during the reformation era, the Hungarian Reformed church split from other Calvinist churches throughout Europe.  With that they established themselves as a separate entity.

In 1622, Bethlen Gabor, prince of Transylvania, founded the Reformed theological seminary in Cluj/Kolozvar, which is now the capital of Transylvania and the headquarters of the Hungarian Reformed Church.  In the 18^th century, the Reformed Church was incorporated into the Hapsburg Empire, a Catholic kingdom.   In the middle of the 19^th century, the Reformed Church participated in the revolution, in their fight for independence from the Hapsburgs and their religion.   When the communist regime came into power in the 20^th century, they brought with them strict regulations and harsh persecutions directed at the church.   During this time, the role of the Church was restricted to Sunday worship inside the church building and all outside interaction was made illegal.  Suffering under the regime was brought to an end in the Romanian Revolution of 1989, in which the Reformed Church played a significant role. 

Currently, the Hungarian Reformed church is still recovering and rebuilding its congregations.  According to a 2002 census 698,550 people (3.2% of Romania’s population) belonged to the Reformed church.   Despite the hardships the church has faced with changing political boundaries and governmental regimes, the Hungarian Reformed Church has been able to preserve its Hungarian nationalistic roots and integrity as a major religious group of Transylvania.  

Submitted by: Cailin, Stephanie, and Elizabeth W.

Issues in Maintaining Spiritual Life of Rural Communities: Family Size

During the communist era many families started having only one or two children. This way, a family’s resources could go into supporting this one child and hopefully improve this child’s future wealth and well being. This trend contributed to a decline in the Transylvanian population which coincided with their increased pessimism as a result of communist oppression. Government regulations during this time were limiting the spiritual, agricultural and cultural practices of the Hungarian minority in Transylvania.

The consequences of this trend were widespread over all areas of life. As parents grew older, children were expected to care for them. Having one child decreased the likelihood of having a caregiver in old age and carrying on the family name. Also, many children who reached adulthood moved to other more western parts of Europe to study and work, leaving their parents to care for themselves.

As the population continued to disperse and decline, churches in rural communities were shrinking. After visiting many rural churches, this trend became very evident to us. One Hungarian Reformed church we visited in the town of Magyarigen is composed of only nine members, half of which are the pastor and his family. Those who grew up in the heart of communism were forced as children to hide their religion due to governmental threats. As a result, many of the current adult population are not religious because communism separated church and state. This church, like many others, now receives compensation from the government for the past wrongs of the communists which allows the church to maintain upkeep.

Lengthy maternity leaves are evidence that the government is trying to increase family size to restore the many struggling rural communities and the wealth of the country. Increasing the population is important for maintaining spiritual communities because Transylvanians find it culturally unacceptable to close a church. It would also be geographically difficult to combine congregations due to limited transportation. It is interesting to compare this desire for growth with the attitudes of many other westernized countries that are dealing with issues of overpopulation and resource depletion.

(Claire, Lydia, Sam)